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It happened in with George Lansbury , it happened again in with Michael Foot , and it is happening once more today with Jeremy Corbyn. Such pressure is inevitable because Labour was created outside of Parliament and from the bottom up.

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Being a marriage of middle class socialist intellectuals and working class trade unionists, its year history is replete with instances of it fighting with itself — with those considered by the party mainstream to be entryists, or those who attempted to make Labour more radical. Actions against this latter group were famously taken against Trotskyist groups, with the expulsion of members of the Socialist Outlook in and of the Militant in But although leftward turns may resonate more with those already belonging to a centre-left party, they do not with the rest of the country , creating a tension between Labourites who prioritise winning elections and those who prioritise strict adherence to a set of unbendable principles.

Contrarily, Corbyn has shown something approaching disdain towards non-supporters: he presents himself as an outsider , and has threatened MPs with deselection , as if the leader owns those the people have elected. His stridency is seen as contrasting poorly with those in Labour who seek to meet the Conservatives half way over issues such as benefit cuts or privatisation — considered by many of their fellow members as something approach evil.

Being comprised of grassroots, trade unions, and the PLP, Labour does not think with one single mind — as we now see in flashing lights. If anything, this wider appeal is key in predicting whether the vision they preach to the 1 per cent during the leadership campaign has any prospect of being realised. Labour has probably written off its chances of success in the next election, even if Smith were to emerge victorious. Their best hope may be that he reprises the role of his fellow Welshman, Neil Kinnock, who shifted Labour away from the fringes, leaving the stage clear for a more electorally appealing successor.

And although the SDP did not become a threat in the long-run, thanks to a combination of residual loyalty to Labour and the First Past the Post electoral system, its short term impact was catastrophic. In the election, Labour won only The Conservatives gained a landslide majority of against their evenly divided opponents.

Debates and contests are part and parcel of democracy. Democracy also imposes a duty on the opposition to scrutinise and challenge the government. While the election triggered a disaster that trapped Labour in opposition for 18 years, to the considerable loss of those Labour traditionally represented. The same spectre now haunts us. Frustratingly, and even though there was a mechanism in the leadership rules to prevent such an outcome — a substantial nomination threshold — the decision of many MPs was to follow the path taken in when Diane Abbott was nominated largely on the grounds that the contest would benefit from the presence of a black woman in an all white male field.

This time, a white man was incorporated in a more diverse contest on the grounds that the election would benefit from a debate only his presence could facilitate. Having gotten away with it in , and although the PLP is uniquely placed to mediate between the competing demands of electability and ideology, the MPs of a party which has from birth battled radical factions from within nonetheless saw it fit to nominate Corbyn — a notoriously rebellious MP with no previous experience in a senior position.

The parochialism of British politics also contributed. A move that was designed to be nothing more than tokenistic has backfired so spectacularly that the very future of the party has been called into question. And as the debate has broadened, it revealed how Labour truly does not know itself. These involve quantitative easing, not on behalf of the banks, but to supply money to stimulate the economy in more concrete, social terms.

The media consistently ignore these policies, harking back to old Labour policies. The industries that Corbyn has talked about renationalising have been the NHS and the railways. The piecemeal privatisation of the NHS has increased bureaucracy, funding and in certain cases, such as ambulances, has resulted in chaos. Most peopl in the country are against this hidden privatisation and would like to see it reversed.

Concerning the railways: Southern Railways recently announced increased profits whilst the service is rated appalling. Virgin Railways consistently are givin bad reviews.

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On the Continent, most countries own or partly own their railways and the service is better than ours. Attika or Central Macedonia.

One the other hand, every regional conference should come up with a set of its own recommendations. In a possible second round, members of parliament could present their opinions on the recommendations to the regional conferences.

EU global development policy

The regional conferences should adopt revised lists. In the end, the parliament will vote on the budgetary policies and report back to the regional conferences. Numerous arguments underline the potential of participatory budgeting in Greece. First of all, it makes deficit reduction more transparent and initiates a nation-wide inclusive conversation on the future of Greece.

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Secondly, the increased transparency reduces the power of special interests — like the too powerful Greek ship owners — and boosts public accountability. This can help stamp out corruption. Most importantly, though, all of this would enhance the legitimacy of the tough austerity policy, quelling, one would hope, the social uproar in Greece.

Marian Schreier Marian Schreier is the mayor of Tengen, a small city in the South of Germany, and is now the youngest mayor in the country. Follow marianschreier See all of this author's posts. Previous post US Republicans: The election postmortem should recognise that change is finally something to embrace.

Next post Politics and Islam: A religious movement in Sudan has become critical of Bashir and the ruling party. This geographic division creates a highly uneven, segregated map of rich and poor, elites and exploited, pristine and polluted, formal and informal, all connected through trade. This ability to import resources, export pollution and reinforce boundaries between the haves and have-nots allows for the growing spatial separation of environmental quality the benefits of consuming nature versus environmental impact the costs.

This spatial and social divide undermines the idea of sustainability as a collectively shared and experienced social project. Put another way, incorporating social justice into the sustainability movement will be far more effective if the movement directly engages the way that structural and territorial inequalities reinforce this subversion of the universal, shared sustainability idea. Otherwise, the persistent danger is that the rhetoric of sustainability will be used to preserve islands of green privilege within this uneven landscape rather than working to overcome them.

Engaging this class-specific view of sustainability also frees us from the standard society vs. The nature-human dichotomy is misleading: it obscures social relations and inequality, and implies that there is an intrinsic, universal relationship between society and Earth. This is not to reject outright the existence of some widely shared human tendency to exploit and modify nature to improve the human condition.

Indeed, Hobbes, Rousseau and others have constructed theories of political philosophy based on their forceful assumptions about the intrinsic nature of humans. That said, I would argue that the modern sustainability movement does not require the identification of the underlying, essential relationship between humans and nature as a prerequisite to its efforts. Even identifying social class-specific relationships to nature—and to the ideas of sustainability—is not straightforward.

The poor in rapidly developing countries are often the immediate agents of environmental damage—as miners, tree cutters, poachers, etc. Evans But they are often either working at the behest of the elites or feel forced into this labor due to poverty and few other easy options. This creates a tension between the immediate search for livelihoods and the longer-term consequences of poverty and limited control over resources. This goes to the core contradiction of development policy, i. In effect, the developed nations would be asking the poorer nations to restrain themselves in an extended state of underdevelopment to save the Earth.

For our discussion here, the consequence of this unevenness is a disconnect between what sustainability means for the middle class e. The rhetoric of middle-class sustainability usually trumps the claims for basic needs for the poor. Incorporating the livability of cities for the poor as another core question of sustainability will be a huge step forward.

In this light, integrating environmental sustainability and social justice is not simply ornamenting the existing sustainability narrative with a few gracious phrases from the social justice movement. Instead, it means breaking out of the middle-class sustainability of privileged abundance and writing a sustainability of disenfranchised scarcity, and being prepared to deal with the inevitable conflicts that arise from the collision of these two classes of sustainability. I conclude this essay by asking why sustainability remains a central, persuasive idea for many urban planners—despite the commonplace criticisms that the idea is nebulous, imprecise, corrupted or difficult to implement.

Planners have explicitly engaged the idea of sustainability for several decades and have tacitly engaged sustainability-like concepts for even longer , so there must be something enduringly compelling about it. The complex challenges of defining, measuring, negotiating and putting sustainability into practice should not discourage us, but should rather be a signal that sustainability is the big prize worth pursuing.

The "power vs. principles" conundrum in Labour's history | British Politics and Policy at LSE

The sustainability concept has endured in planning in large part because it has not stood still. Instead, it has evolved over the past two decades; had the idea remained static and inflexible, it probably would not have been assimilated into planning scholarship and professional practice. But flexibility has also been productive, creating a broad base of support and interest, allowing multiple parties with divergent priorities all to engage and embrace sustainability as their own.

Sustainability becomes a central narrative and organizing logic for these various planning efforts. Sustainability provides a larger legitimacy of purpose and rationalization for these efforts as serving the long-term public interest. This is partly true. Planners also continue to engage sustainability even after the initial novelty waned because the idea strategically links planning to other disciplines. Sustainability is creating a common language and set of practices measures, methods, goals between the relatively small field of planning and the larger world of environmental management, public health, ecological science, public policy, and other allied fields.

Planning is historically an interdisciplinary field with roots in architecture, landscape architecture, housing reform and applied social sciences. The current engagement with sustainability has expanded these cross-disciplinary connections, enriched planning with an infusion of outside ideas, and also helped planning better export its work to other fields. Sustainability has also provided an expanded set of professional and scholarly tasks that planning, as still a relatively small and underfunded field, uses to bolster its claims of legitimacy and relevance to university leaders, city officials, and funding agencies.

Sustainable planning has indeed evolved and matured in the years since the Brundtland Report World Commission on Environment and Development The term is part of the lingua franca of the field, permeating planning curricula, scholarly writings, and local plans.